"Career Concerns and Ambiguity Aversion."
Why do people have ambiguity aversion, preferring, a gamble with a
50\% chance of success to one whose expected probability of success is
50\% but where that 50\% is an unbiased estimate? The answer modelled
here, in the spirit of the career concerns literature, is learning: a
risk-averse person does not wish observers to learn whether he is good
or bad at estimating probabilities. He therefore prefers a gamble with
objective probabilities.
In tex and pdf (
http://www.rasmusen.org/papers/ambiguity-rasmusen.pdf).
"Internalities and Paternalism: Applying the Compensation
Criterion to Multiple Selves
across Time " One reason to call an activity a vice and suppress it
is that it reduces a person's future happiness more than it
increases his present happiness. Gruber \& Koszegi (2001) show how a
vice tax can increase a person's welfare in a model of multiple selves
with hyperbolic preferences across time. An interself analogy of the
compensation criterion can justify a vice ban whether preferences are
hyperbolic or exponential, but subject to the caveat that the person
has a binding constraint on borrowing.
In tex and pdf (
http://www.rasmusen.org/papers/internality-rasmusen.pdf).
"Quality-Maintaining Profits and Reputation." Can
above-cost
prices give firms enough incentive to keep quality high? In the
reputation model of Klein & Leffler (1981), firms refrain from
cutting
quality (or price) because if they did, they would forfeit future
profits. Here, I show that something similar can happen even in a
static setting. First, if there are discerning consumers who can
observe quality, firms do not want to lose their business. Second, if
all consumers can sometimes but not always spot flaws, firms do not want
to lose the business of those who would spot them on a given visit.
Third, if the law provides some penalty for fraud, but not enough to
make it entirely unprofitable, firms may prefer selling high quality at
high prices to low quality at high prices but with some chance of
punishment. tex and pdf (
http://www.rasmusen.org/papers/quality-rasmusen.pdf).
"First versus Second-Mover Advantage with Information
Asymmetry about the Size of New Markets," (with Young-Ro Yoon). Is
it better to move first, or second--- to innovate, or to imitate?
Suppose one player has superior information about which of two new
markets is better. If he enters first, he might be able to secure a
natural monopoly. (The less-informed player also has this motive.) If he
enters second, he can prevent the other player from imitating him. We
find, predictably, that the more accurate the informed player's
information the more he wants to delay in order to prevent the spillover
of his information. Also, the less accurate the informed player's
information the more he wants to move first in order to foreclose a
market. In addition, the bigger the difference in markets, the more
likely the two players will make the same choice. More surprisingly, if
the informed player's information becomes more accurate that can hurt
both industry profits and consumer welfare by inducing both players to
choose what they hope is the bigger market, leaving the other market not
served. tex and pdf (
http://www.rasmusen.org/papers/entry-rasmusen-yoon.pdf).
"Executive Compensation in Japan: Estimating Levels and
Determinants from Tax Records" (with Minoru Nakazato and J. Mark
Ramseyer). Most studies of executive compensation have data on pay but
not total income. Studies of executives in Japan lack even good data on
pay. We have tax data on total executive incomes, enabling us to
estimate salaries and an executive’s exposure to firm risk from a new
angle. We confirm the conventional wisdom that Japanese executives
earn far less than American ones--- about one-fifth the pay, adjusting
for firm size. Tobit regressions show that pay in Japan depends heavily
on firm size (with an elasticity of .22). Paper, data, and programs are at
http://www.rasmusen.org/papers/exec/exec.htm.
"A Model of Trust in Quality and North-South Trade."
Countries have different comparative advantages in quality. These might
be due to technological differences, or to reputation differences of the
sort described in Klein & Leffler (1981). Reputation differences are
particularly interesting, since good reputations are a form of ``social
capital'' that is amenable to modelling. They can explain why firms in
these industries like to export even if the foreign price is no higher
than the domestic one, and why governments would like to have large
``high-value'' sectors. In tex
and pdf (
http://www.rasmusen.org/papers/trade-rasmusen.pdf).
"Some Common Confusions about Hyperbolic Discounting."
There is a lot of confusion over what ``hyperbolic discounting'' means.
I try to clear up that confusion.
In tex and pdf (
http://www.rasmusen.org/special/hyperbolic-rasmusen.pdf).
"Price Discrimination between Retailers with and
without
Market Power " (with Barick Chung). Suppose a monopolist
manufacturer sells at two prices to retailers in small towns and large
cities. To prevent retailers’ arbitrage, the manufacturer needs to set
the wholesale price difference smaller than the transportation cost. As
a result, with linear pricing the retail price for towns will be even
higher than that in double marginalization; and with a two-part tariff,
the wholesale price for towns will be higher than the marginal cost. In
this context, double marginalization cannot be totally eliminated by
two-part tariff pricing. tex and pdf (
http://www.rasmusen.org/papers/retailers-chung-rasmusen.pdf).
"The Industrial Organization of the Japanese Bar: Levels and
Determinants of Attorney Income," (with Minoru Nakazato and J.
Mark
Ramseyer). Using micro-level data on attorney incomes in 2004, we
reconstruct the industrial organization of the Japanese legal services
industry. These data suggest a somewhat bifurcated bar, with two sources
of unusually high income: talent in Tokyo, and scarcityelsewhere. The
most talented would-be lawyers (those with the highest opportunity
costs) pass the bar-exam equivalent on one of their first tries or
abandon the effort. If they pass, they tend to opt for careers in
Tokyo that involve complex litigation and business transactions. This
work places a premium on their talent, and from it they earn
appropriately high incomes. The less talented face lower opportunity
costs, and willingly spend many years studying for the exam. If they
eventually pass, they disproportionately forego the many amenities
available to professional families in Tokyo and opt instead for careers
in the under-lawyered provinces. There, they earn scarcity and
monopoly rents not available in the far more competitive Tokyo market.
In
MS Word (
http://www.rasmusen.org/papers/jpnbar.nakazato.ramseyer.rasmusen.doc).
"The Parking Lot Problem." (with Maria Arbatskaya and Kaushik Mukhopadhaya).If there is queueing for an
underpriced good, the queueing can eat up the entire surplus,
eliminating the social value of the good. An implication is that there
is a discontinuity in social welfare between ``enough'' and ``not
enough'' for certain goods such as parking spaces. This implies that if
there is uncertainty in the number of demanders, the amount of the good
should be set well in excess of the mean demand.
http://www.rasmusen.org/papers/parking-rasmusen.pdf or in tex.
"Economic Regulation and Social Regulation." A long-
standing book project, in the style of my JLS Desecration paper.
``Health, safety, morals, and the general welfare,'' are the traditional
subjects of the police power of the state. When we think of government
regulation, we usually think of economic regulation. This is generally
efficient only for a narrow range of activities and is subject to abuse
by private parties who can profit from it. Social regulation is another
area of government regulation, however, and one where the presumptive
efficiency of laissez faire disappears, because market imperfections are
more common and capture by special interests is less profitable. This
does not immediately imply that the government should engage in social
engineering, because our current knowledge of social processes is
primitive. It does imply that courts should be reluctant to strike down
social regulation on the grounds that it is irrational. My working files
are at
Http://www.rasmusen.org/social/social.htm. The old draft is
available at tex and pdf (
Http://www.rasmusen.org/papers/social.pdf).
"Prosecutors' Choices of Prosecution and Conviction
Rates; Theory and Evidence" (with Manu Raghav and J. Mark
Ramseyer). Forthcoming at American Law and Economics Review. It is natural to
suppose that a prosecutor's conviction rate-- the ratio of convictions to cases
prosecuted-- is a sign of his competence. Prosecutors, however, choose which
cases to prosecute. If they prosecute only the strongest cases, they will have
high conviction rates. Any system which pays attention to conviction rates, as
opposed to the number of convictions, is liable to abuse. As a prosecutor's
budget increases, he allocates it between prosecuting more cases and putting
more effort into existing cases. Either can be socially desirable, depending on
particular circumstances. We model the tradeoffs theoretically in two models,
one of a benevolent social planner and one of a prosecutor rewarded directly for
his conviction rate as well as caring about convictions and personal goals and
apply the model to U.S. data drawn from county-level crime statistics and a
survey of all state prosecutors by district. Conviction rates do have a small
negative correlation with prosecutorial budgets, but conditioning on other
variables in regression analysis, higher budgets are associated both with more
prosecutions and higher conviction rates.
tex and pdf (
http://www.rasmusen.org/papers/prosecutors-raghav-ramseyer-rasmusen.pdf)
.
Notes on ``Isoperfect Price Discrimination: Bargaining and Market
Power,'' with David Myatt. Standard discussions of perfect price
discrimination rest on a hidden
assumption: that the monopolist can make take-it-or-leave-it offers. If
a monopoly charges different prices to each of a large number of
buyers, the correct paradigm is not the ultimatum game, but bilateral
monopoly. The monopolist's profit will not be the entire surplus, but
something less. Under ``balanced isoperfect price discrimination''-- a
constant split $\lambda=.5$ of the bargaining surplus with each
buyer--- and constant marginal cost, the monopolist has the same
profit as monopoly pricing if the demand curve is linear, less if demand
is concave, and more if demand is convex. Increasing marginal cost tends
to make the monopolist prefer price discrimination. Isoperfect price
discrimination is complemented by an idiosyncratic product design and
informative advertising, whereas simple monopoly pricing is
facilitated by plain-vanilla designs promoted via pure hype. Competition
pushes suppliers away from isoperfect price discrimination and towards
simple posted pricing.
tex.
Notes on "Belief in God: A Game Theory Approach " Notes in
tex
Notes on ``Isoperfect Price Discrimination in a Hotelling
Duopoly,'' with David Myatt. When duopolists compete by haggling
with consumers, the form of the bargaining model is very important,
whether in a Bertrand model or a Hotelling model.
tex.
Notes on ``How Useful Is a Product Umbrella for Reputation? ,''
with David Myatt. A firm with a reputation for high quality in
one product may usefully extend that reputation to other products. We
look at how that works in a moral hazard model of product quality.
tex.
Notes on ``Bargaining under Complete Information,''
with David Myatt. Outside options are tricky.
tex.
Notes on ``The Rubinstein (1982) Model with Both Discounting
and Per-Period Costs''
Combining those two things results in a model like the standard
one with just discounting.
tex.
Notes on ``Quasi-Concavity.'' with Chris Connell.
We propose a new, equivalent, definition that relates it better to
concavity.
tex.